Eternal youth and the prospect of ageing

By Themis Halka

“I feel like I’m 100 years old today” – expressions using chronological age as a reference for physiological and psychological wellbeing are quite common in our societies (Gendron et al., 2018). If it doesn’t shock, it certainly highlights this association we make between ageing and loss of capacities, resulting in a general apprehension of ageing. 

This anchored fear of ageing can be assessed using chronological age, and how would people situate the “ideal/subjective age” on that scale. In general, young adults expect their ideal age to be in the future, while older adults situate their ideal age at some point of their past (Bellingtier et al., 2021). In the eyes of the general population, there would be a point in the young-middle adulthood seen as the ideal age, though it varies among people. It is generally agreed that each age has its attractiveness and weaknesses. Would we represent it as a straight line or a curve? Do people fear ageing as it might take them away from this point at the top of the curve they have, or are longing to reach? Some would think the attractive sides of ageing stop to compensate the weaknesses at some point (Gendron et al., 2017). 

Back in 1991, Ryff compared the rating of past, present, and future experiences for three different age groups. He found that the two younger groups had felt an improvement of all aspects during the past few years and expected their future experiences during the next ten years to keep improving (Ryff, 1991). The oldest group presented more contrasted results: some aspects were seen as improving, such as self-acceptance, while others were seen as remaining the same, and for the men, a loss of purpose in life and personal growth was reported. They expected a decline of all aspects during the next decade (Ryff, 1991). 

It seems that the fear of ageing is not only based on anticipation based on stereotypes, but also felt by those experiencing it now. However, even in the older group, it was mainly the prospect of future changes that made them expect a decline. The broader public knowledge about neurodegenerative diseases, loss of physiological, and psychological capacities, have increased the fear of ageing in old age groups (Dittmann-Kohli, 1990). According to the Alzheimer’s Society, dementia is the most feared condition to develop among the British public (Alzheimer’s Society, 2016).  

On the other hand, the younger groups seemed to wish, or at least not apprehend growing older. Another interesting approach is to use the “felt age” of the population, how old people feel to be at that time, and compare it to the ideal age, the one they would ideally like to feel like being (Bellingtier et al., 2021). Interestingly, using this approach revealed a dissatisfaction among younger people as well. The notion of SAD, Subjective Age Discordances, has been used to assess the gap observed between ideal and felt ages. Studies have found ideal age to be constantly lower than subjective age, even in younger groups (Bellingtier et al. 2017; 2021), hence a frequent discordance resulting in a positive SAD. Younger groups don’t seem to have reached their ideal age on a chronological basis but are feeling older than they would like to.

Younger people seem to be wishing for feeling younger, if not being younger. This further observation suggests that globally, the population feels older than they would like to. Tackling the negative prejudices society has towards different ages might be seen as a solution. All the images, adverts, movies reporting visions of youth, might have given the population an ideal that they cannot always reach. In terms of sport, nutrition, numerous people wish they could improve themselves but don’t always have the time or means to do it. The creation of high expectations for oneself might have partly given rise to the differences between felt and ideal age. The higher variability in the SAD of young groups (Bellingtier et al., 2021) might be related to their paying more attention to media and images. 

These discordances might have concordances in ideal and perceived characteristics, capabilities, opportunities (Rupprecht & Land, 2020). In fact, a younger felt age is generally associated with a flourishing mental health, while a younger ideal age could lead to a decreased wellbeing (Keyes and Westerhof, 2012). Back in the 1980s, Birren and Renner hypothesized that the ideal and felt ages might get closer, as the experience acquired over lifetime would modify this ideal (Birren & Renner,1981). However, this theory has not been observed practically and differences seem to perdure during life. Yet, as discordances might impact the well-being of the population (Keyes & Westerhof, 2012), getting ideal and felt age closer together might be beneficial. As previously mentioned, lowering one’s felt age might be tricky, and critics have been made towards this wish to lower felt age, arguing increasing the ideal age would improve well-being and mental health (Gendron et al., 2018). Even though at some point, ageing seems to be felt as a negative prospect, could education and emphasis on the good sides of ageing at least stop this anticipation of ageing so that people would not feel this gap between felt and ideal ages?

Eternal youth might seem like a great prospect, enabling people to remain on the top of the curve, stop ageing and feel a decline of their capacities. However, ageing, and the cycle of human life, is at the centre of society, providing it with stable bases for organization and function. At an individual level as well, ageing is part of our life cycle, and though some aspects of it might seem displeasing, this advancement in life is part of our development. All these experiences we feel in common with other people the same age make us feel part of this human race, like reaching the time when one needs glasses because they can’t see closely anymore and waits for their friends to experience the same thing. 


Gendron, T., Inker, J. & Welleford, A. (2018) “How Old Do You Feel?” The Difficulties and Ethics of Operationalizing Subjective Age. The Gerontologist. 58 (4), 618–624.

Bellingtier, J., Rupprecht, F., Neupert, S. & Lang, F. (2021) Daily experiences of subjective age discordance and well-being. Psychology and Ageing. 36 (6), 744-751.

Gendron, T., Inker, J. & Welleford, E. A. (2017) A theory of relational ageism: A discourse analysis of the 2015 White House Conference on Ageing. The Gerontologist.

Ryff, C. D. (1991). Possible selves in adulthood and old age: A tale of shifting horizons. Psychology and Ageing. 6 (2), 286–295.

Dittmann-Kohli, F. (1990) Possibilities and constraints for the construction of meaning in old age. Ageing and Society. 10, 279-294.

Alzheimer’s Society. (2016) Over half of people fear dementia diagnosis, 62 per cent think it means ‘life is over’. [Accessed 1st October 2021]

Bellingtier, J., Neupert, S. & Kotter-Grühn, D. (2017) The combined effects of daily stressors and major life events on daily subjective ages. The Journals of Gerontology. Series B, Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 72 (4), 613–621.

Rupprecht, F. & Lang, F. (2020) Personal ideals of aging and longevity: The role of subjective discordances. Psychology and Ageing. 35 (3), 385–396.

Birren, J. & Renner, V. (1981) Concepts and criteria of mental health and ageing. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. 51 (2), 242-254.

Keyes, C. & Westerhof, G. (2012) Chronological and subjective age differences in nourishing mental health and major depressive episode. Ageing & Mental Health. 16 (1), 67–74.

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